The        recent boycott resolutions of CUPE and NATFHE against Israels Apartheid        predictably awakened Israels willing apologists, initiating a high        pitched chorus of condemnation and self pity across the Western media, not        to mention the blogosphere.
              Their arguments,        however, are flimsy, not to say rotten. Ill review them one at a time.
              But first a        clarification. The boycott/divestment/sanctions (BDS) campaign is a very        diverse campaign. Each organization has its own specific criticism of what        it condemns. Israels offensive policies of colonization in the West Bank        and Gaza are the common denominator, but some organizations go beyond        that. Likewise, each organization has a different take on what action its        members should undertake. But all agree on the need for and        appropriateness of some kind of collective action that puts pressure on        Israel. I have my own take on both these questions -- what to condemn and        how to respond -- but my following remarks address only the broad        consensus. 
              1.        Boycotting Israel is hypocritical. There are many other and worse human        rights violators. Why aren't these organizations boycotting the UK for        occupying Iraq or Russia for its massive slaughter of Chechens?
              If a group were to        participate in the BDS campaign against Israel while supporting the        invasion of Iraq and the massacres in Chechnya, such a group would        probably be hypocritical, or at least seriously confused. Are there such        groups? I am not aware of any. But if they do exist, they should indeed        rethink their stance. 
              However, there is no        direct line from condemnation to choice of action. When considering what        action to endorse, a group must take into account other considerations        beyond the moral wrongness of what is being condemned. 
              Responsibility. Are        Russian academics involved in the Russian occupation of Chechnya the way        Israeli academics are involved in legitimizing Apartheid? Obviously not.        If some Israeli apologists believe the opposite, they are welcome to make        the case. The case for the complicity of Israeli academia has been        persuasively made. 
              Practicality. Is it        practical to try to influence US policy in Iraq through a boycott of US        academics? Clearly not. Israel�s small academic world is vulnerable and        therefore susceptible to pressure. The British boycott resolution already        succeeded in scuttling a proposed cooperation between Hebrew University        and the Israeli Security apparatus. There is no point in trying to use the        same tactics against the U.S. That is unfortunate. But taking an all or        nothing attitude to human rights -- which is what some of Israel�s        apologists demand -- is silly. Not to mention the real hypocrisy of those        who call attention to human right violations in Sudan or Russia without        having any demonstrable interest in human rights at all, but rather out of        the desire to defend human rights violations. 
              Saliency: Most of        the organizations that call to boycott Israel have their own different        missions that are not focused on the Middle East. Each has to consider the        role solidarity with Palestinians and pressure on Israel plays in its        overall position and the way it reflects its identity and specific goals.        Those groups committed to defending human right are completely within        their rights, for example, to consider that Israel damages the framework        of humanitarian law more than China does, even though China has jailed        more people than Israel has. Israel�s democratic rhetoric and its claim to        be a beacon of civilization and morality mean that the occupation in        Palestine doesn�t merely violates human rights, it relaxes and degrades        the principles of human rights in a way no other rogue state does.        
              Local leadership:        Like most strategies of collective action, the        boycott/divestment/sanctions campaign depends on broad consensus. The        first requirement for such a consensus to form successfully is that the        campaign be actively supported and demanded by the victims, in this case        Palestinians. At least for now, there is neither an Iraqi nor a Chechnyan        boycott campaign or even demand. Palestinians, on the other hands, are        leading the boycott/divestment/sanctions              campaign against Israel. Also important is the vocal support from a        minority of Israeli groups that support Palestinian rights. This is        similar to the way the South African campaign was led by the ANC and was        supported by an activist minority of White South Africans. Without local        leadership, a campaign lacks legitimacy and is less likely to take hold.        Groups are therefore fully justified in taking that in consideration when        deciding their priorities.
              Tailoring different        responses to different transgressions based on complex considerations is        not necessarily hypocritical, although it can be. The more appropriate        adjective in this particular case is �thoughtful.�
              2.        The comparison between Israel and South Africa is misguided. Israel is        very different and not as bad as South Africa.
              �Apartheid� means        �separation� and so does �Hafrada,� the Hebrew term for the current policy        of Israel vis-�-vis Palestinians. But nobody claims that Israel is �the        same� as South Africa. A glance to the globe is enough to ascertain that        the two are indeed different countries, and therefore have different,        unique and specific histories and institutions. What we claim, however, is        that the Apartheid regime in South Africa and the current regime in Israel        have a number of significant common traits, and that these common traits        are repugnant. 
              This is not the        place to engage in that substantive debate. For those who wish to deepen        their knowledge of the issue, Chris McGreal provides an excellent        introduction in               The Guardian. But one does remark that Israel�s defenders are not        in a very good position to argue now that the regime in Israel is not as        repugnant as South Africa was. In fact, Israel�s apologists today are        often the same groups that used to defend the Apartheid regime in South        Africa. Zionist organizations              feted the similarities between Afrikaners and Jews, the        Anti-Defamation League, for example, even spied on anti-Apartheid        activists in the U.S. Israel, for its part, supported South Africa�s        nuclear program and later helped it evade sanctions. On the other hand,        South African Black and Jewish anti-Apartheid activists who visited the        West Bank said that the conditions of Palestinians were similar or even        worse than what Blacks endured under Apartheid. 
              Who has more        credibility on the subject of how repugnant the Israeli brand of �Hafrada�        is, Abe Foxman, head of an organization that supported Apartheid in South        Africa, or the victim of Apartheid,              Archbishop Desmond Tutu? 
              3.        Putting pressure on Israel is one-sided and therefore unfair. It would be        better to encourage both sides to engage each other in dialogue.        
              Israel�s apologists        have a simple narrative about the history of the relations between Jews        and Palestinians. In that narrative, Jews came to Palestine with open        palms, and have tried ever since to achieve peaceful co-existence with        Palestinians, only to be repeatedly rebuffed by hostile and belligerent        Palestinians. Base on that narrative, Israel�s apologists demand more        �dialogue,� and excuse all Israel�s actions as self-defense. 
              Unfortunately for        them, nobody else accepts that fairy tale today. Actual history is very        different.  Since the very beginning, the Zionist leadership was clear        about its intention to displace and dispossess Palestinians to make way        for a Jewish state. That goal had been largely accomplished in 1948.        Thereafter, Israel found the status quo comfortable, and saw no urgency in        resolving its conflict with the Palestinians. At every occasion, Israeli        leaders expressed disinterest in peace. Ben Gurion said the solution for        the Palestinian problem would be that Palestinians would become �human        dust.� Moshe Dayan told them after the 1967 occupation, �we have no        solution, you will continue to live like dogs.� Golda Meir said there was        no need for dialogue because �there is no Palestinian people.� Begin and        Shamir refused to negotiate on Palestinian rights in the face of serious        U.S. pressure. Begin even invaded Lebanon to avoid having to talk with        Arafat (who had already agreed to a �two state solution� in 1974.) After        Oslo, despite their lip service to advancing a �two state solution,�        Rabin, Netanyahu and Barak have all refused to evacuate a single        settlement. All three built new settlements, Barak being the most        industrious. At no point has any Israeli leader agree to withdraw from the        West Bank and Gaza in full, not to mention to recognize the rights of        Palestinian refugees. 
              The evacuation of        Gaza, contrary to the fairy tale, is not a withdrawal at all. Israel is        still the occupying force in Gaza. The situation of Gaza today is in fact        the closest Israel comes to the full South African Apartheid model; Gaza        is an effective separate Bantustan under full Israeli military control.        Finally, Olmert�s latest plans for �unilateral        separation� in the West Bank point in the same intensified Apartheid        direction.
              Those who might fear        that this historical excursus is threading stale water should consider how        Sharon�s advisor              Dov Weissglass recently described the purpose of evacuating the        settlements from Gaza: 
              ��we succeeded in        removing the issue of the political process from the agenda. And we        educated the world to understand that there is no one to talk to.�As long        as there is no one to talk to, the geographic status quo remains intact�..        [until] Palestine becomes Finland.� 
              There you have it        succinctly. Israel�s consistent policy is to avoid dialogue in order to        maintain its domination. Based on this analysis, peace can only be        advanced by putting pressure on Israel. This is exactly the purpose of the        divestment, boycott and sanctions campaign. 
              4.        The boycott advocates are anti-Semitic. 
              Puhleeeeze!
              Writing in the               Boston Globe, Reason magazine�s Cathy Young insinuates that        Mona Baker is guilty of anti-Semitism. 
              Young�s evidence:        Baker says that in the U.S., �Zionist lobbies are extremely powerful with        both Congress and the media.� Apparently, according to Young, you�re        either an anti-Semite or an idiot. Because only an idiot would argue with        what Baker said. 
              Young�s smear, to        put it mildly, is despicable, but very much de rigeur in almost        every standard apology for Israel. Dear Ms. Young, please read the first        half of Norman Finkelstein�s book, Beyond Chutzpah, and copy the        following sentence 500 times in your notebook: �I will not use        accusations of anti-Semitism to smear critics of Israel and Zionism.�
              Now, there are        certainly a few lost souls out there whose motive for supporting        Palestinian rights is anti-Semitism. It�s a pity. They are the mirror        image of the              Zionists who support human rights in Sudan for the sole purpose of        deflecting attention from Israel. We wish both kinds of bigots full        recovery. But we won�t stop eating Broccoli if we discovered that it was        Hitler�s own favorite food. Nor should we stop supporting Palestinian        rights because David Duke support them too. 
              Besides, outside the        fervid imagination of Israels willing apologists, the problem of real        anti-Semitism is negligible. To gauge how negligible it is, consider that        in 2003, the ADL, which is supposed to lead the struggle against        anti-Semitism, honored former Italian PM Berlusconi, weeks after the        latter made sympathetic remarks about Mussolini -- Hitler�s sidekick in        World War II -- a dictator who enacted race laws and sent Jews to the        death camps. Furthermore, taking into consideration the Christian Zionist        right in the U.S. and the anti-Muslim right in Europe, I think it is safe        to say that there are more anti-Semites among Israel�s friends than among        those who express solidarity with Palestinians. 
              Gabriel        Ash        is an activist and writer who writes because the pen is sometimes mightier        than the sword and sometimes not. He welcomes comments at:                      g.a.evildoer@gmail.com.